Streams of Thoughts Started with Sexuality

If you haven’t watched iO Tillett Wright’s talk on sexuality, I highly recommend you to watch it. (http://www.ted.com/talks/io_tillett_wright_fifty_shades_of_gay.html) I remember how amazed I was the first time when I watched her talk. She asked those people who she took photos for to give themselves scores from 1 to 100 to see if they are 100% gay or straight. What she found to be really interesting was that there are a large number of people who defined themselves in the middle, no too gay but also not too straight. As she noted in her talk, the findings in her project actually posed a difficult question for people who discriminate others as LGBTQ: whom do you want to discriminate? How do you define a gay?

Readings of this week, even though they addressed sexuality, are coming from different perspectives than Wright’s. Focusing on the donor-donee relationship, Chanika, Lwanda & Muula’s article talked about how Malawian politicians tried to have donors fund their own political agenda by using the “gay right issue” as a strategy to confuse activists and donors. Also, as Gosine noted, the assumption of a western model of sexuality as universal is limited. She said, “words like ‘gay’ and ‘lesbian’ may be recent introductions to local vocabularies . . . but there are many names used to describe non-heterosexual acts” (p. 60). Citing from Wright, I didn’t mean to set up her way as the only way to understand sexuality, like Gosine said “western as universal.” But her talk did make me think a lot on those issues, issues like “why should the marriage between a man and a woman be legitimated but not others?” and “How should we understand sexuality? Is it innate, something that we were born with, or social constructed?”

Usually, I don’t give out my answers directly. Part of the reason is because I am not quite sure about my answer. J But I would like to talk about some episode happened in my life and hopefully, answer will be shown in the episode.

 My colleague and I used to have arguments on sexuality. (Well, I didn’t say that our relationship is not healthy. On the contrary, we are good friends. I will use “B” for my colleague in the following episode just for the sake of convenience. Btw, I am a lazy cat. Addressing him as “B” saves me a lot of time and energy.)

B: you have been poisoned by the Western education! As a Chinese, do you really believe their saying of sexuality? Coming on…

Me: I just think people have their own rights to choose.

B: hey, don’t forget Confucius. Isn’t Yin and Yang, harmonious, the basic value that Chinese believes?

Me: yes we do. We do believe in Yin and Yang and the harmony. But I just don’t think Yin only refers to female and Yang refers to male. I think something like energy that people are carrying on makes them appear to be Yin or Yang.

B (shaking his head): you are poisoned.

Me: hey, Confucius even said, “Only women and the base men are not educable.” So should I believe in that too?

B: then how can you explain “having kids” if it is same-sex marriage?

Me: well, not everyone chooses to be in the same-sex marriage. I said that it is people’s own choice.

…

The conversation ended at that moment because both of us needed to go to class. But it is still going on in our everyday life. We, as normal human beings, often confused about ourselves, about others, and even about the world. The more we know, the more we confused because we figure out that there are more things we still need to catch up. In the book The Denial of Death, Earnest Becker argued that everything we do in the world is because we are afraid of death. I found myself agreed with what he said. I asked myself to imagine if I could live forever, will I still think it is necessary to have a baby before 35? Probably not, because I will have “forever” to do it! I guess you can also say that human beings are selfish. We give birth to babies because we are afraid of death.

STILL A HOT TOPIC

STILL A HOT TOPIC

The issue of gender mainstreaming is a very important issue which many development organizations have prioritized as a Policy objective within the organizations as well as conditions for disbursing funds to their beneficiaries. Multi-lateral development organizations like the World Bank, United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and the International Labor Organization (ILO) as well as major Bilateral donor agencies including the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the British Department for International Development (DFID) have all made gender mainstreaming a priority in their programs. The value of this push by major donors for gender equity has raised awareness in many donor recipient countries which has in many cases been translated into national programs and the creation of separate Ministries and Departments responsible for pushing the gender equity agenda.

Such macro level progress is very important in the overall movement towards the realization of a fair society that does not victimize people on the basis of gender. However with all this progress, the meanings and operationalization of gender equity at community and household level is still a very hotly contested topic in many countries including here in the United States as the following debate illustrates: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T4Dyzm8L6cU
It is clear in this discussion that the roles of men and women in a family/household are a contentious topic among many individuals. The role of breadwinner, the head of the household, key decision maker, care provider for children are all sensitive subjects which are somehow linked to the idea of who brings financial resources in the home.

Incorporating men and masculinities into the gender discourse is a very progressive strategy because men can be viewed both as protagonists as well as partners but they are definitely a constituency that cannot be ignored. I wish there was more discussion and negotiation about gender equity and the various meanings associated with it beyond the classroom walls and television studios because real change has to happen on the ground.

Wages for Housework

Something that Pearson briefly mentions in "Reassessing Paid Work" is the concept of wages for housework. (This is located on page 210 for reference.) Pearson says this ended up being an "essentialist and radical feminist fantasy" but she also ties this in to how 'work' is inherently a gendered concept. Often, stay-at-home moms are not thought of as having jobs, and no, they do not have a formal job. They also do not have an informal job, if we go by the definition from Whitson's article, which says "Informal work deals with legal products and services, although the production or distribution of these products or services is either illegal or unregulated" (162). However, I feel that the general definition of work excludes housework and adjacent reproductive labor, and this is inherently sexist and to the detriment of what women do. We heard examples from the readings and from discussion where men say "oh our wives do nothing with their time, besides walk ten miles to get water, cook for five people, take care of the cattle, watch three children, wash all the clothes, etc" and this is a harmful way of thinking as it minimizes women's contributions.

Salary.com does an annual survey of housework that women do (for the US), and for 2013, they felt that, on average, a stay-at-home mom would be paid $113,568 / year and that a working mom would be paid $67,436 / year if the housework they did was priced on the labor market. While the Wages for Housework campaign originated in the Global North (in London), the most prominent effects of this idea have been seen in the Global South. Venezuela currently has a law that pays full-time mothers a pension. This law has other provisions regarding employed mothers that are very progressive. India was considering a similar wages for housework law, but I cannot find anything more recent on it, nor can I find any other examples. These laws, if put into action, could be used as development tools for government. However, because of the attitudes towards women's reproductive labor, in many countries it would be laughable to even suggest such a law.

Here are some links for more information on wages for housework: Global Women's Strike, Counter-Planning from the Kitchen, Wages for Housework: The Permanent Reproductive Crisis, Pay people to cook at home (NYT).

The Disciplinary Power of Micro Credit: Examples from Kenya and Cameroon

 
“As we have seen, micro credit has received wide acceptance because of its assumed empowerment impact on women. This is based on the belief that credit not only enables women to enjoy economic autonomy, but also provides social and political empowerment” (Laira-Fonderson, 2002, p. 192). When it comes to women’s empowerment, the aforementioned statement reminded me of the quixotic desire of curing a cancer with bandage.

After reading the assigned articles for this course, especially those discussing “empowerment,” and doing some independent readings, just to satisfy my curiosity, I came to believe that “empowerment” is far more complex and difficult to be merely achieved through micro finance or credit assistance. However, my point here is not to downplay the role of micro credit in improving women’s financial status by enabling them, to some extent, to enjoy financial autonomy and to (re)negotiate their basic rights. All I mean is that since the factors governing women’s needs for empowerment differs from person to person, society to society, and nation to nation, micro finance/credit cannot be assumed as a solid or governing factor to empowerment.

Furthermore, as some of our readings indicate, micro credit has not necessary provided women with decision-making power nor has it enhanced women’s active participation in social and political domains, where women, especially those living in the “Third World” are left either outside or in the margins. I agree that micro credit provides women with financial ability, yet not necessarily empowerment, because, as most of the readings state, empowerment needs decision-making power, which most of the women, including those with access to micro credit, lack. With respect to this reality, I personally do not agree with the belief and/or assumption that micro credit empowers women both socially and politically.

Moreover, many established scholars of GAD including Naila Kabeer, Jane L Parpart, Shirin M. Rai, and Kathleen Staudt not only have different definitions of empowerment, but they also believe in distinguished approaches to women’s empowerment. In addition, according to these scholars, as the marginalized, deprived, and poor nations are mostly vulnerable to the forces derived from local, national, and global levels, the concept of empowerment needs to be “analyzed in local, national, and global terms” (Parpart, Rai, & Staudt , 2002).

I recommend the following readings for those of you who may wish to deepen their understanding of empowerment:

·         “Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of the Third Millennium Development Goal”  by Kabeer

 

·         “Rethinking Em(power)ment, Gender and Development: An Introduction”  chapter from Rethinking empowerment: gender and development in a global/local world book by Parpar, Rai, and Staudt

·         “Choosing Silence: Rethinking Voice, Agency and Women’s Empowerment” commentary and critical communication between Parpart and Kabeer

Alternative Media for Resisting the Hegemonic Representation

If we want to rethink gender and development, we have to start problematizing the stereotyping of both global south men and women–not just women. One way to do so is by highlighting grassroots forms of resisting the hegemonic representation, and another way is by learning from the local knowledge of activists in different cultures and countries.  In this essay, I will illustrate the "Hometown Baghdad” project as an example of alternative media activism that challenges the stereotypes of Iraqi women and men.

 White (1997) mentioned that: “In the gender and development literature men appear very little, often as hazy background figures. ‘Good girl/ bad boy’ stereotypes present women as resourceful and caring mothers, with men as relatively autonomous individuals, putting their own desire for drink or cigarettes before the family’s needs” (p.16). This simplistic dichotomous understating applies in times of peace as well as in times of war. Societies outside the western world are seen as groups of oppressive “powerful”/violent men and victimized “powerless”/peaceful women (Mohanty, 2004). Such simplistic dichotomous understating led to ignoring the complexity of the intersection between class, race, nationality, and sexuality as well as the effects of the unequal global economy and colonial power relations between first and third worlds. This act of ignoring was obvious in the U.S discussions to justify the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq after September 11. Abu-Lughod (2002) argues that instead of analyzing the historical and economical roots of oppression and suffering in the Arab and Muslim world, western feminists rhetoric was engaged in saving Muslim women from their seemingly oppressive societies. Here, I should refer to a profound point by Mohanty (2004) that Western feminist world-view dominant discourse was not only produced by Western feminists but also by scholars from developing countries who also adopted this universal patriarchal framework. In the example of saving Muslim women’s rhetoric, many scholars and activists from Muslim and Arab countries contributed to that rhetoric, and even encouraged the U.S invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq under the pretext of rescuing Muslim women.

Far from this dominant scholars’ and activists’ discourse, alternative media activism is located as channels or tools to tell different stories. As an alternative media activism project "Hometown Baghdad”, an online web series, challenges the dichotomous understating of Iraqi people as oppressive violent men and victimized women. "Hometown Baghdad” project tells us a lot about the stories of people who were terrorized by war and how they struggle daily to survive the war. Mainstream media coverage of armed conflict makes us, as audience, forget that these are flesh and blood human beings living their lives in the countries where there is a war. Mainstream media objectifies people and turns them to just numbers of deaths and injuries. "Hometown Baghdad” videos humanized Iraqi people and show their struggle to achieve their personal goals and wishes in life such as love (Episode 11 - "Saif Heart Noor"; Episode 36 - "Zaghareet"), education (Episode 1 - "Brains on Campus"), friendship (Episode 21- “My Best Friend Zaid”), and dating (Episode 15 - "Kiss and Tell"). The videos also show the consequences of war such as insecurity (Episode 14 - "Barbwire"), and poverty (Episode 26 - "Beggar At the Gate"). Additionally, the videos show the context in which some anti-American feelings start to grow in Iraq. In Episode 37 - "One of Thousands", an Iraqi family changes their attitudes toward Americans after an American soldier kills a family member. "Hometown Baghdad” as an alternative media activism project humanizes Iraqi people, especially men, and it shows the roots and the context of war instead of repeating the dichotomous representation that echoes the simplistic dichotomous understating of mainstream media.

References

Abu-Lughod, L. (2002). Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and its Others. American Anthropologist. 104(3):783-790.

Mohanty, Ch. (2004). Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses. Pp. 17-41 in Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

White, S. (1997). Men, masculinities, and the politics of development. Gender and Development. 5:14-22.

Incorporating Men using Technology

INCORPORATING MEN IN GENDER DISCOURSE USING TECHNOLOGY

In many societies in the world, men and women are socialized in line with the local cultures and traditions of those societies and therefore they take on gender roles and act in line with the definitions of their cultural norms. However, the advent and growth of communication technology has increased the level of intercultural awareness and exposure to other cultural values and definition of gender roles. Although cultural exchanges have always existed due to trade, religion and later colonialism, advances in technology have amplified such interaction without the necessity of travel. It can be argued that for a long time such exposure and exchange has been favored western hegemony, due to the “dissemination” nature of the communication platforms that were dominant in the 20th century. Radio and TV have played a very significant role in the shaping public opinion and perceptions as it relates to the framing of the stereotypes of masculinity and femininity as shown in this clip: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8CWMCt35oFY&list=PLE0C08F6092967A01  

The media particularly the entertainment industry has been instrumental in the promotion of the “western version” of masculine and feminine roles as depicted in the disney production clip. The portrayal of hero masculine characters as aggressive, risk taking and physically strong by Hollywood mirrors the stereotype that is admired and feared equally in many cultures including in Malawi. It was very common while growing up to get advice like “a man should not ran away from a fight”, or “you are responsible for protecting your sisters”. It is generally expected that as a man, one has to provide shelter, food and security for his family and any man who is seen as not measuring up to these standards, is considered a failure or a loser not worthy of respect. I do not know how much of what is understood to be masculine in the Malawian context is influenced by the media, but what is clear is that current debate and discussion on gender equality is being carried out through the media. The growth of social media provides a unique opportunity for discussion and not just dissemination but requires creativity and tact because gender is a subject that is equated to women in Malawi and very few men have the interest to hear anything about the subject let alone engage in meaningful discussion.

The advances in communication technology particularly the advent of the internet has increased the platforms for advocacy, discussion and dialogue but the question is how to use these resources to get men involved in the discourse. The prevailing notion among many Malawian men and to a large extent even women that gender is equal to women suggests that there is need for rebranding that will create space for men to find their place in gender discourse. Drawing upon local cultural beliefs and practices it is possible to isolate good practices that will localize the discussion because of a growing movement to reject external influences that are not in line with “Malawian culture”. Finally, I believe that such a huge shift in normative behavior requires significant investment and time for changes to take place and to be concretized, therefore all necessary resources and time should be allocated to achieve active participation of men in gender discourse because “change in gender relations cannot take place in a vacuum” (White, 1997. p, 15).         

“ it is now rare to find fieldwork-based feminist research that does not engage to some degree with the ‘politics of fieldwork,’ i.g. with a reflexive analysis ‘of how the production of ethnographic knowledge is shaped by … searcher’s social identity with respect to her… positionality…” This statement by Richa Nagar reminded me of Becoming Qualitative Researchers: An Introduction book by Corrine Glesne (2011). I credit this book with introducing me not only to the role and importance of “reflexivity, positionality, and identity,” but also not confusing “reflexivity” with biases. 

I should thank Nagar for pointing to a similar idea in her article “Footloose researchers. ‘traveling’ theories, and the politics of transnational feminist praxis” and Dr. Whitson for selecting this article for us.

After reading the aforementioned statement made by Nagar, I realized that “reflexivity” is not only an integral part of qualitative research, which affects the entire process from topic selection to the overall writing of the research findings, but it is also a continuing process of a researcher’s self-awareness throughout the research process.

When I was reading Becoming Qualitative Researchers: An Introduction raised two questions in my mind. First, how as a qualitative researcher can I make sure that my reflexivity and positioning will not be disruptive and that it will not lead me to confounding and prejudicing biases? Also how to make sure that my self-reflexivity will lead me and my study toward honesty, humbleness and transparency while conducting my research. Second, does my “reflexivity, positioning, and identity” limit my access throughout the research process?

I thank Nagar, who responded to my questions by discussing her research experience in India. Her interaction and debate with Indian feminists helped me to learn, first, as researchers, we are required to be critically aware and conscious of our reflexivity or self-location ( e,g, gender, nationality, ethnicity, class, race, etc) in order to limit our biases because it influences each stage of the research process as well as the outcome. Second, even though “reflexivity, positionality, and identity” extend our access to learn about (a) ourselves, (b) the site and the participants we aim to study, and (c) how to collect, analyze, and interpret our data, there are some ways in which it may limit our access.

I provide the following reference for those of you may be interested in getting to the root of “reflexivity, positioning, and identity.”

Glesne, C. (2011). Becoming qualitative researchers: An introduction (4th ed.). New York, NY:

 Pearson Education, Inc.

"The Politics of the Veil" and Cultural Reductionism in France

Abu-Lughod’s article about cultural relativism got me very interested in the “politics of the veil.” Before reading this article, I admit that I knew very little about the cultural context around this article of clothing. Most interesting to me was how Abu-Lughod emphasizes just how crucial it is to look at the meaning attached to the veil in different cultural contexts across the Muslim world.

Her focus on how a simplified view of the veil as a symbol of women’s oppression was used for a justification of the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan made me realize just how terrible the consequences of viewing women in the “Third World” as a single group can be. Just as Mohanty criticizes those whose writing viewed women simply as a “category of analysis” and thus ignored the cultural, political, and historical context of their lives, the U.S. is arguably guilty of doing exactly this in its claim to be “saving” women in Afghanistan.

Moving away from the U.S., I was also reminded of when France passed a law that banned veils in public spaces. In this case, the French government seems to be guilty of making a similar error that the U.S. did when it focused on the burqa in Afghanistan as a symbol of women’s oppression. One former French mayor in the nation claims that this kind of article of clothing should be “should be banned in the name of the liberty and equality of women in a secular country.”

Just as Abu-Lughod points out in her article, however, the veil, (which both the NYT and Abu-Lughod point out is not just one type of clothing such as the burqa) or the niqab which is worn by Muslim women in France according to the NYT, has different meanings to different women and their families.

While the French law does not specifically refer to Islam and only bans face coverings in public, I see some of what Abu-Lughod refered to false dichotomies such as Islam vs. the West occurring here. Another NYT article also mentions French feminists being opposed to the burqa. Once again, I think this is an unfortunate example of what Mohanty referred to as viewing groups of women as a “singular, monolithic subject.”

Both NYT articles show just how widely views differ across France’s Muslim population regarding the subject. I find this case of France's government seemingly viewing women in the Muslim world as comprising one single group as also likely having rather negative implications for development. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), France is the fourth largest provider of development assistance in the world.