Saturday, November 30, 2013

Egypt is the worst Arab country for women

Egypt is the worst Arab country for women

That was the headline of several news articles and the conclusion of the Thomson Reuters report published this month studying the status of women in the Arab world (which consists of 22 countries) and Egypt is the worse according to their six areas of analysis:

·      Women in politics
·      Women in society
·      Women in the economy
·      Women in the family
·      Reproductive rights
·      Violence against women
Such a report and study methodology made me think about WID and GAD methodologies a lot and where to place such a study within these frameworks as a way to understand how different development agencies address women’s issues in the Arab region in particular.
The methodology that is explained on Thomson Reuters website isn’t written in an academic style, for example they don’t state the type of sampling procedure followed or the theory of analysis used or the ranking process, how did it occur and how did they account for the differences in ranking among the researchers.
Regardless, what caught my attention is how they justify the selection of certain individuals to be interviewed and surveyed on the issue the below description:

 “We targeted local, national, regional and international humanitarian, development and human rights organizations, academics, media professionals, health care providers, refugee shelters, women’s shelters, legal advisers and activists, with a strong preference for female respondents.”

It is mentioned here that they have strong preference for female respondents within theses institutions, for me that could be more accounting for women’s subordination. However here the selection bias is one that neglects the voice of the community. Even if those women could be reflecting that voice by one way or another, the experiences of the women in the community who aren’t part of these organizations or who are volunteering in these organizations aren’t counted for. These experiences are important, as we have seen in Playing with fire by Nagar (2006) that even though those women didn’t hold the most prominent positions in the NGO, they brought perspectives to the status of women that are important to incorporate.

References:

Thompson Reuters Foundation. (2013). Poll: Women's rights in the arab world. Retrieved November from http://www.trust.org/spotlight/poll-womens-rights-in-the-arab-world/
Sangtin Writers Collective, & Nagar, R. (2006). Playing with fire. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota press.

Tuesday, November 26, 2013

A Note about Research Methods

I have been thinking about our conversation a few weeks ago regarding research methods, which emerged out of our reading of the Sangtin Writers’ Playing with Fire. At the doctoral level—or, at least, in my doctoral program—there is tremendous pressure to do research and publish it. I have seen a number of my peers have ambitious dreams of doing meaningful research and writing it up in a way that is unique and innovative only to be thwarted by a committee that expects the writing to follow a traditional format (i.e, introduction, literature review, methods, results, discussion/conclusion). It speaks, I think to our discussion about both the appeal and peril of trying to write research in the same way that Nagar and the Sangtin Writers told their stories.   

Recently, I finished a book on qualitative research by David Silverman (2007), a fairly prolific author in the field of qualitative research; many of his books are into their third and fourth editions. What drew me into this book in particular, however, was its title: A Very Short, Fairly Interesting, and Reasonably Cheap Book aboutQualitative Research. Silverman makes it clear from the beginning that this book is his unadulterated opinion about how qualitative research should be conducted. His arguments are relatively benign—he’s not a fan of postmodernism, he prefers a mixed methods approach that combines qualitative and quantitative data analysis, and he thinks qualitative researchers who rely solely on individual interviews or focus groups are shortchanging both themselves and their participants by not supplementing the data with observations and document analysis. His analysis takes a turn, however, in the final chapter, where he rails against what he sees as qualitative researchers’ preoccupation with lived experience at the expense of broader cultural analyses. This leads him to the rather damning conclusion that “to the extent that qualitative researchers have largely embraced contemporary culture, their work is largely bullsh*t” (p. 124). He goes on to argue that “experimental writing [such as poetry and ethnodrama] that increasingly populations some academic journals is, strictly speaking, bullsh*t” (p. 139).

While I think most of Silverman’s book is a harmless tirade written by a retired white guy who has the luxury to say whatever he wants, I find this final chapter especially problematic. It is not likely that Silverman is alone in his disparaging of “experimental” or innovative methods for doing and writing research. Yet, these methods are often the most valuable and powerful for research or work that aims to illuminate the voices and experiences of those who are marginalized or disenfranchised. What I found remarkable about Playing with Fire was how poignant those stories were—and how especially powerful they became in light of their absence in the mainstream/academic development discourses with which we had engaged all semester.  Thus, the very research methods that Silverman belittles are actually quite important in understanding the gendered impact of development on individuals as well as understanding men’s and women’s roles in, experiences with, and views of development.

In my search for collaborative and novel forms of qualitative research, I came across a site created by a PhD student in Australia who created the site as part of her dissertation work examining collaborative art and ethnographic practices. Although the site, Side by Side, has been dormant for a few years, it offers a number of interesting stories and links to research and work that strives to tell the stories of individuals, communities, and cultures by having those individuals, communities, and cultures tell their stories themselves. In addition, the PEER (Participatory Ethnographic Evaluation and Research) website describes efforts to engage communities in peer-to-peer interviewing. The site contains documents describing how the method works, case studies, and other resources. Together, I think these two websites demonstrate the potential of collaborative and artistic/poetic research methods/narratives to evoke and inform, but they also demonstrate the long road toward legitimacy and widespread acceptance of these methods by the likes of Silverman and other academics. 

Sunday, November 17, 2013

Post-Conflict Example: Gender and Youth in Northern Uganda


       I learned about this non-profit from friendship of one of its leaders, Nancy. I worked with her for several months in 2009 at an international Girl Guide center in Switzerland.  She started working with this non-profit after she left Switzerland. I had never really thought of her work from a gender perspective, however I was aware of her work with youth in post-conflict Uganda (in addition to her background growing up in late 1980s/1990s northern Uganda). It was only a year or two ago that I actually looked up this website that details the non-profit and describes its projects and mission.

       With respect to Playing with Fire, I imagine Nancy’s childhood/youth narrative has influenced the types of decisions that she is making with this organization. This is not my story to tell, but I think it is worth thinking about the context in which people who have encountered certain adverse situations in their youth choose to work. In addition to the context, the types of values and ambitions that they carry could also be influenced by their history.

       Now, I would like to relate this blog post to the readings on gender and peace/conflict from two weeks ago. On the “Heart by Heart Project” page, it’s described that Nancy is the one taking initiative, choosing, and developing the post-conflict programs for the young people in this area. This is a good example of a woman’s direct inclusion in the peacebuilding process.  From the description of her responsibilities, she clearly has autonomy in the progression of the development of this conflict resolution program. The approach seems to be opposing the dominant patriarchal system in post-conflict strategies that the Peaceworks (2011) had mentioned.

       The very first youth workshop for the “Heart by Heart Project” that is mentioned was one that specifically targeted young women. It was from this workshop where Nancy identified the need for post-conflict resolution/mediation for the youth. From that point on, it seems like both young men and women are trained in the workshops. I find this to be interesting since the needs that were identified in this demographic were found from the group of young women in the first workshop. Hudson (2009) makes the argument throughout her article that security needs in post-conflict areas are not gender-neutral. I think that this young women led approach is a good example of that.

       Aside from the beginnings of the conflict resolution program, there is no mention of anything like “equal inclusion” of women. Gender issues like “sexual gender based violence” (outlined in the 2012 Strategic Plan document) are covered in their training objectives. I suppose that this could be viewed as gender mainstreaming. Hudson (2009) in her discussion of “African feminist tools” mentions that, to some level, gender mainstreaming is necessary to ensure that women’s issues are being addressed in peace processes. Despite this one section of the 2012 Strategic Plan, it seems like the main target group for participants are the general youth in this region.


       I am curious if this class (you all!) would think that this is a good example of a GAD program addressing peace and conflict.

Monday, November 4, 2013

Hyper Masculinity, Gender Violence, and Institutions: An Athens Context


The subject of gender roles in conflict and peace plays an intricate part in understanding the underlying psychology behind gendered violence. I found Catherine Niarchos comment in the Peacework report the most enlightening when she describes the language of the military as “ saturated with sexual imagery, much of it misogynous (14).” Another compelling matter raised in the Peacework article is the account of the gay male veteran of IVAW recounting his experience with gender and the military, “ I can tell you that young straight men, otherwise good men, will go to great lengths and do horrible things to prove that they are not gay.” The implications of this hyper masculine mantra, described in the veteran’s account, which is prescribed and assumed by a portion of those in the military, can also be applied to violence against women. This article also raises the question of the role of institutions in gender violence.  I also wondered what other institutions would promote a hyper masculine mantra and reward overtly heterosexual behavior.

Thankfully, I needed to only sit in my room.  From the comfort of my very own bed I was able to enjoy the soulful degrading sounds of the neighboring fraternity annex. I called on my undergrad roommates to provide some context for me. They informed me that they must have been practicing their serenades for the sororities. The use of the highly romanticized word serenade seems particularly ill-chosen considering the focus of the song simplified the worth of women into their ability to perform sexual services on men. I am by no means comparing the status of gendered violence in a conflict/post conflict to that of this college campus, but I do think the arguments made by Niarchos and IVAW do apply. 

Often war is seen as a justification to violence and unsavory behavior. What is the justification in the objectification of women by young men receiving a higher education? Do we chalk it up to immature male bonding or do we look at its place in gender violence? I do not mean this as a commentary on greek life, it just happened to be the motivation behind this post, and I am sure this behavior is not limited to fraternities. The larger question illustrated by this antidote is what is the state of gender violence in higher education institution? I have experienced street harassment on a much more frequent and intense level on this campus than on any other college campus I have ever been on. The argument could be made that I am more aware of it because of my increased feminist knowledge, but that should not discount the fact that I have seen women on this campus be shamed for simply walking down a street.  The real question is what role does higher education play in perpetuating this behavior and what are these institutions’ responsibilities in responding to it? 

A response to Maria's post

I wanted to post this as a comment here but the blog wouldn't let me. I tried in different browsers and everything. But it's okay because I think the map I link to is interesting so check it out! (Please grade this as a comment!)

I think these types of reports have a very hegemonic view of sexuality, gender, and from a quick look-through, including economics and work. I also do not think a hegemonic view of the world typically allows for intersectionality. While it is understandable to want to limit a large global study as much as possible - to the binary gender roles - and this may be needed on account of what data is available, it is very ignorant to not even mention the existence of trans* people. From an intersectional point of view it becomes even more complicated because generally in the US (at least to my knowledge) one would think of trasngendered, agendered, intersex, and genderqueer people, with the last touching on the points in Zhou's latest post about a gender continuum. However, as mentioned in some of the readings, other cultures have different presentations of a non-binary gender identity, for example the travestis and the hijras. There are other examples of these "third genders" across the world, both historic and contemporary. Some are shown on this map.

I wonder why the World Economic Forum did not even make a mention of any non-binary gender identities. Plain ignorance? Purposefully? Because of donors or possible backlash?

Sunday, November 3, 2013

Religion Meets Development

Religion Meets Development.

“The world of religion has been an unacknowledged and often unseen force for many development practitioners in the past . . . Yet religion is such a pervasive and vital force, that the tendency to ignore it has had important and even grave consequences in some situations”  (Marshall 1999 pp3).

Religion has always been a key aspect of the cultures of many ethnic communities in Kenya and by extension other countries on the continent of Africa. Religion was a key identity factor within these communities and their cultures.  These religions are what comprise what is known today as African Traditional Religion(ATR).  ATR was organized around a set of beliefs, comprised of a god that the community worshiped through rituals and practices that they performed, had sacred objects such as trees, mountains, forests among others. Religion thus played a big role in these ethnic communities and a bid part of their cultures.

 At the wake of colonialism in Kenya with the arrival of British missionaries, they brought a new religion that was deemed to be better than ATR (this is a debate for another day). The British missionaries converted although with some resistance the natives of the land to Christianity.  The missionaries together with Christianity also introduced formal education. The combination of the two was aimed at transforming the communities that the missionaries saw as not progressive. To me this was the beginning of modernizing these traditional communities, one of the goals of the dominant modernization paradigm. This paradigm is however silent when it comes to religion and culture aspects that define these traditional societies in need of being modernized.

Leah Selinger in her article The Forgotten Factor: The Uneasy Relationship between Religion and Development states that development can be traced back to the influence of Christian mission in the colonial countries a factor that remains unacknowledged in development discourse as development paradigms focus on economic growth. Selinger argues that  “the understanding of religion that has been expanded in the development discourse has focused on its use as a spiritual or institutional force, not as a cultural and social practice that governs worldviews and can directly influence social and economic development” (pp. 539).

I wonder though whether in a country like Kenya where 80% of the population identifies as Christian and others affiliated to other religions, religion can be ignored as an important factor in development agenda.  What role does religion play in gender related issues? Is it acknowledged in the discourse of gender and development? Like the article on Malawi examining sexuality and the donor culture, religion does play a role in setting the tone on the stand which governments take on issues.  Groups of people have organized around religion to champion for different courses in the society.  The role of these religious bodies can thus not be ignored. Selinger points out that religion “must be understood as a force that will not dissolve with modernization and one that will impact on the way development is received and used by communities around the world “ (pp 540). 
Although the concept of development in Kenya began with the advent of Christianity and the growth of other religions such as Islam, the role of these religions in the development agenda continue to be sidelined.  This is happening even as religion is used as a way of reaching out to people in developing nations. This video potrays one of the many instances of religious bodies organizing to support people living in poverty in developing nations http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=piN7swDYN5o.
References
Marshall, K. (1999) ‘‘Development and Religion: A Dierent Lens on Development Debates’’, www.wfdd.org.uk/articlesandtalks.html#marshall
Selinger, L. (2004). The forgotten factor: The uneasy relationship between religion and development. Social compass, 51(4), 523-543.



Saturday, November 2, 2013

Cane Workers viewed through GAD

            Towards the end of the class discussion on masculinity within Gender and Development, one question stuck in my mind based on various things that were said by Dr. Whitson and classmates. As the issues of men in development were being discussed, especially the inclusion of men in gender initiatives, it was said in some way or form that inclusion of men is not always necessary, that obviously both men and women are affected by development issues, however in many if not most cases, women often experience two negative impacts of economic underdevelopment and unequal gender relations. This implies that while men may experience negative effects of development and underdevelopment, women are almost always going to experience them worse. (I apologize for this poor paraphrasing. It is just my best recollection and any diminishing of the points made are my fault alone). This had me thinking after class whether in all problems related to international development women suffer worse for being victims of the problem and being women on top of it or if there existed any situation where that was not the case.
            The video that we watched in class also influenced my thinking. The idea that men, or at least those that desire to reaffirm masculine domination of any discourse, often try to shut down those who bring up cases of women’s issues by either calling them advocates of special interests that want everything to be biased towards women, or using other bullying tactics. I am sure that the idea of finding a case where men suffer from an issue more than women for being men would be fuel for those who wish to dominate the discourse to prevent change in how gender issues are dealt with in a society. However, when I realized the case that came to mind of a situation in development where men suffer and are exploited more than women due to their being men, it shouldn’t necessarily be seen as contrarian if one does not follow the dualistic framework that may often be assumed; that men’s suffering is due to the benefit of women as if women suffer it is due to the benefit or assertion of power and dominance of men. However, the case that I present below does not follow this dualistic paradigm. Instead men, by being men, qualify to work under conditions deemed unsuitable for women. However the men are made to work often by men, both in the forms of their families and the owners of the companies, who are predominately men.
            The community that I worked and lived in during my two years in the Peace Corps in Nicaragua was situated adjacent to large areas of sugar cane production. Known as ingenios, these areas consisted of hundreds of hectares of flat land planted with sugar cane and a processing center. In the community I lived in, similar to most all other rural communities in the area, most young adult males from age 18 to 40 worked in the ingenios during the cutting season. Buses would pass through the communities in the morning to pick up the workers and they would come back late in the afternoon, after working all day under the oppressive sun, completely covered in ash from the burnt sugar cane. It was interesting that women could work in the ingenio but only in jobs that were considered appropriate or safe for women. These jobs included the planting of sugar cane and the maintenance of the seedling areas. However, they could not work in the actual cutting of sugar cane. The young men who worked in the sugar cane would do so either to support the agricultural activities of their parents, or if they had families of their own, to maintain their own families through a low but regular salary to cover costs and support agricultural activities of their own (planting of basic grains) during the rainy season.
            Although they were able to maintain direct and extended families through their work in the sugar cane, they were often overburden and isolated socially from their work in comparison to the women of their age. There were high incidences of alcohol abuse and violence after parties that occurred after payday, especially in nearby communities that had less of a tradition as independent communities. During my work, I found myself working with younger women, some of whom were spouses of sugarcane workers, along with older (40-55) men in many projects such as a community bank we established while the people working in the sugar cane I found to be the least accessible. This process of rapid mental aging and reflexive outlooks toward life were exacerbated by the high incidences of creatinal kidney failure amongst sugar cane workers. This would leave the effected workers invalid, and since the ingenio would test for the condition before offering contracts, unemployable. Fundacion La Isla is a group that works with sugar cane workers affected by the disease http://laislafoundation.org/

            It is hard for me to see that the social situation of the male sugarcane workers is enviable in comparison to that of the women of the same age in the communities. While the men may have established jobs with “regular” salaries, the burden placed on them to be bread winners first by their parents, and then by their own families, they have to live through unenviable working conditions where little gratitude is given, and if one becomes sick with a potentially lifelong and degenerating disease, they are at most given a small pension and made unemployable and invalid for the rest of their lives. While some with this condition try to make it as small farmers, others migrate to El Salvador where there are fewer regulations, while some descend into alcoholism, which exacerbates the kidney problems, often causing early death. In comparison, the women in the communities, depending on their personalities, are often more economically agile, and with support of the state, many of them finish their high school degrees and have more opportunities for employment or establishing small businesses since they live relatively close to urban centers. In much of the literature we read on masculinity in development, Southern men were often portrayed as modern day Okonkwos (from Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart), who are unsettled by the changes they see happening in their society, especially with regards to gender relations, and this unsettlement explains such behavior as alcoholism and spousal abuse. In White’s article, while she recognizes that depictions of men being abusive and spending wages on vices while women work at home are problematic stereotypes in development literature, she depicts a Filipino male as asserting that as the male of the household he was the only breadwinner as a sort of “traditional” belief rather than one that is developed through their experiences and economic conditions (14-15). However, this type of cultural affirmation does little to show how these roles and expectations as breadwinners are developed, how burdensome the can be, and how they can influence unequal gender relations and community and familiar problems involving men such as alcoholism and domestic violence. Cases like those of the cane workers should show that this unsettlement is explained not by gender relations or changing cultural norms alone, but the physical and mental burden placed on these groups of men. These cases shouldn’t be used to say that women don’t have it so bad, but rather to join gender and economic geographical analysis of international development so that men’s situation in communities is better understood, and therefore can be better incorporated in gender and development initiatives. 

Gender Equality: One Size Fits All?

I came across this recently released “Global Gender Gap Report” a couple weeks ago: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2013.pdf I thought it was really interesting and relevant to share with this class. I didn’t keep track of the article that I read which referenced this (I think it just shared 10 biggest/smallest gaps by country), but the report itself has a lot to analyze.

With respect to this past week’s topic of sexuality in development, this Report does not acknowledge the topic at all. This demonstrates just how easily sexuality is not included in large studies like this one. In a way, with what we’ve been reading and discussing in class, this could be to a fault. Reports like this reinforce the perspective that gender is a binary topic, and leaving out sexuality leaves a lot of questions to be answered.

I think Corrêa and Jolly’s chapter that we reviewed for last weeks class is suitable as a reference for critiques for the Global Gender Gap Report’s approach to gender. A simple male/female approach to gender inequality is a lot like “sex essentialism” as they describe in the beginning of the chapter. A more constructivist approach, as Corrêa and Jolly suggest might even consider different variables for each country’s context. Another thing that surprised me was that, having searched through the document, I could not find definitions or indicators of how male and female were defined. This leaves a gap for “other genders” and perhaps disregards transgender all together. If transgender was included, how did the report categorize them?

I also found it interesting that none of the variables in the Global Gender Gap Index involved domestic or household matters. There was also disregard to the informal labor sector. Just from observing the variable and their sources of data (World Economic Forum), there seems to be a bias of what constitutes equality.

An intersectional approach to a study like this would identify more specific inequalities. If sexuality, class, and race were also measured in a gender gap study, I think the results would be much more useful for the sake of bringing to light specific inequalities and for building development projects in specific contexts. Sharma’s chapter on language use in human rights points out the harm that assumptions of heteronormativity can have in attempts to make positive change. She makes the argument in favor for intersectional analysis on the claim that it “…recognizes that any attempt to isolate one dimension will constitute a limited approach that fails to address the underlying interplay of forces.” (p.70) So this leads me to think that just a binary comparison of gender across all countries is too simplistic to make serious conclusions about gender equity.

Friday, November 1, 2013

Sexuality and the Ancient World

The centrality of sexuality in human societies is intriguing because on the one hand it is acknowledged as the centerpiece for societal survival through procreation but at the same time it is also highly regulated and hidden in many societies in the world today. It is almost like an oxymoron because we all "know" that people are sexual beings but at the same time it is a topic that many would rather not talk about especially in conservative societies. One of the most controversial issues that relate to sexuality in many contemporary societies is the question of sexual orientation and the rights associated with individuals who are in a minority group as far as their sexual orientation is concerned. For this post I decided to investigate how the issue of sexuality was dealt with in ancient civilization to understand whether the fascination with sexuality is a new phenomenon that is unique to contemporary societies.

I came across this video, which I must say is very revealing with regard to how sexuality was represented in ancient Egypt and the sensitivity around it's public portrayal. The video is rather graphic and I would caution sensitive viewers but I still felt that it captures the idea of sexuality in the ancient world in a manner that I had not thought about and the representation of gender is also intriguing: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZjWyCbmc4nQ

For a start, the idea that people in ancient Egypt as well as other civilizations would record sexual images on rocks and other platforms like papyrus shows that sexuality was a very important part of life in those days. The great length to which the society went to protect the dignity of society by not allowing people to see the image of the queen in a compromised sexual position resonates with the view in many communities of the link between a woman's sexuality as a property of society which can determine both dignity and shame depending on how women choose to express their sexuality.

It is also interesting to note the "censorship" or sanitizing of various sculptures and objects depicting sexual organs going on up to Victorian times and even as late as the twentieth century. The idea that a sculpture would have its penis removed to not offend the general public attests to the privacy attached to sexuality in many societies around the world. Having open discussions about sex and sexuality in places like Malawi only started in the 1990s due to the HIV and AIDS pandemic which necessitated discussion around sexuality but such talk was virtually unheard of prior to the HIV pandemic.

Such discussions have evolved from just focusing on HIV and STI prevention to include discussions about marital satisfaction and family planning which are linked to development in the context of having a healthy population that contributes effectively to both production and reproduction components of development.