Even if you do not follow the news carefully, you have
probably heard of Malala Yousafzai, the Pakistani girl who was shot
in the head in late 2012 by members of the Taliban in response to her
advocacy for girls’ access to education.
Though her activism nearly cost her life, Malala has risen to
international prominence and received many accolades, including a
nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize and a
book deal. Her story is admirable and inspiring, but it is also an exception: many young girls who dare to go to school
risk bodily harm, verbal abuse, or worse, death (Bisika, Ntata, & Konyani,
2009; Chisamya, DeJaeghere, Kendall, & Khan, 2012; Sharkey, 2008) – and they
don’t get to
meet the queen of England.
Malala was brave, and so are the many women and young girls
around the world who are ambitious enough to demand that their rights be taken
seriously. Who demand that they should have access to education, contraceptives,
and paid work. Who demand that they should be treated as equal partners in the
development process. But what are the costs of these “gains” for women? What
price do they pay for “empowerment”?
In a recent article assigned for another class, Staudt
(2011) describes the prevalence of male violence against women in Ciudad Juárez,
Mexico, where several transnational corporations have established maquiladoras, resulting in more women
earning wages. Staudt suggests that this violence, which has increased since
the stationing of the maquiladoras,
is men’s resistance to economic restructuring, which has weakened men’s control
over women as more women enter the workforce. Although I take issue with Staudt
use of the term “resistance” to describe the violence against Mexican women,
this example, taken together with the examples of violence against young girls
who pursue education, illustrates some of the consequences of shifting gender
dynamics, particularly under conditions of economic or political distress.
Though none of these examples is necessarily the result of
development projects per se, they are
representative of some of the changes that occur as the result of development. I
do not want to suggest that development always or necessarily has negative
consequences for young girls and women. Certainly, there are plenty of
positives: more women going to school, more women getting jobs, more women
having a voice in politics. Yet, one important caveat I took from this course
in general and the Guide to
Gender-Analysis Frameworks in particular, is that grassroots,
community-based participation in development is necessary for long-term,
sustainable, and productive change. As March, Smyth, and Mukhopadhyay caution
in the introduction to the text, activists and development agents must find
ways of “devising and implementing policies and programmes which do not exclude
or harm women, which take their needs and perspective into account, and which
may help redress some of the existing gender imbalances” (p. 14). Important,
too, is the need to prepare for backlash, to consider the repercussions of
changing gender and family dynamics for both men and women (and young girls).
As a final aside, in my research on the costs of development for women, I came across this article on the United Nations Development Programme website. The title, “Violence Against Women Also Hurts Business and Development,” is an interesting one. Does violence against women take on more urgency when it has economic ramifications?
References:
Bisika, T., Ntata, P., & Konyani, S. (2009). Gender-violence and education in Malawi: A study of violence against girls as an obstruction to universal primary school education. Journal of Gender Studies, 18(3), 287-294. doi: 10.1080/09589230903057183
Chisaya, G., DeJaeghere, J., Kendall, N., & Khan, M.A. (2012). Gender and education for all: Progress and problems in achieving gender equity. International Journal of Educational Development, 32, 743-755. doi: 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2011.10.004
Sharkey, D. (2008). Contradictiosn in girls' education in a post-conflict setting. Compare, 38(5), 569-579.
doi: 10.1080/03057920802351333
As a final aside, in my research on the costs of development for women, I came across this article on the United Nations Development Programme website. The title, “Violence Against Women Also Hurts Business and Development,” is an interesting one. Does violence against women take on more urgency when it has economic ramifications?
References:
Bisika, T., Ntata, P., & Konyani, S. (2009). Gender-violence and education in Malawi: A study of violence against girls as an obstruction to universal primary school education. Journal of Gender Studies, 18(3), 287-294. doi: 10.1080/09589230903057183
Chisaya, G., DeJaeghere, J., Kendall, N., & Khan, M.A. (2012). Gender and education for all: Progress and problems in achieving gender equity. International Journal of Educational Development, 32, 743-755. doi: 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2011.10.004
Sharkey, D. (2008). Contradictiosn in girls' education in a post-conflict setting. Compare, 38(5), 569-579.
doi: 10.1080/03057920802351333
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